Thursday, 3 May 2018

Tariff Impact Colors a Key House Race in Boeing Country

Tariff Impact Colors a Key House Race in Boeing Country
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The district’s quirky boundary, which encompasses the vast airplane-making ecosystem to the west and thousands of acres of cherry and apple farms on the other side of the Cascade Mountains, makes the territory uniquely vulnerable to the president’s actions on trade. Boeing is probably the American company with the most riding on a healthy relationship with Beijing.

China is projected to buy more than 7,000 planes worth almost $1 trillion in the next 20 years, more than Boeing’s current backlog for the entire world. Most commercial aircraft in China are made by Boeing, the company says, but if the trade pressures escalate, China could choose to award more work to Europe’s Airbus.

For now, Beijing has threatened to retaliate with tariffs on some airplanes, including older 737 models made in the Renton factory where Mr. Cesmat works, which is just outside the district.

“China knew exactly where to target,” said Kim Schrier, the Democratic candidate who has built the biggest campaign war chest ahead of the Aug. 7 primary. “They’re targeting districts where this could be problematic for Republicans.”

Ms. Schrier is among half a dozen or so Democrats gunning for a seat that became catnip for the party the moment that the seven-term Republican incumbent, Dave Reichert, announced his retirement in September. Despite Mr. Reichert’s success, the district favored Hillary Clinton by three percentage points over Mr. Trump, and it went twice for Barack Obama. Ms. Schrier, a pediatrician and first-time candidate, has been hammering Dino Rossi, the likely Republican nominee, on the tariff issue.


“These tariffs are a direct response to the policies of a president you helped elect. Don’t you have anything to say?” she tweeted to Mr. Rossi last month.


Mr. Rossi, a former state senator, is careful to note that the bluster could be part of Mr. Trump’s negotiating style. But he said he understood why everyone was so worried. “You really can’t get down to a trade war. In the end it will be very disruptive,” he said in an interview. “Hopefully this is more posturing than anything.”


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Schilling Cider has grown quickly since it was founded five years ago. But with tariffs raising the cost of aluminum, it may have to pay $100,000 a year more for cans.

Credit
Kyle Johnson for The New York Times



But voters in the district say the escalating trade drama has already begun to complicate their daily lives. Companies that supply construction materials have suspended orders, waiting to see what happens to metal prices. Employees at a builder of truck components say managers have been hastily reassessing supply chains that run through China and Mexico. A local hard-cider brewer is reconsidering an expansion after the steel and aluminum tariffs made new tanks and cans more expensive.

And at Boeing, a company that employs grandfathers next to granddaughters and has introduced generations of Washingtonians to their spouses, the unease has been evident from the executive suite to the factory floor.

Mr. Trump’s hard line on trade didn’t used to inspire so much teeth-grinding among Boeing workers. A lot of union mechanics were happy last year when he pulled out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which would have reinforced the nation’s embrace of free trade. And the president earned a lot of fans in Washington when he criticized the company on the campaign trail in 2015 for setting up a new plant outside Shanghai, saying it would “end up taking a tremendous number of jobs away from the United States.”



Jim McKenzie, a union machinery repairman, remembered that comment when, several months ago, he came across a package of dorsal-fin parts at the Boeing plant in Auburn where he works. Mr. McKenzie pulled back the Bubble Wrap and saw a label that made him feel as if he were sinking into quicksand: Boeing China.

“We drill it and assemble it, but they ship the parts in from China,” Mr. McKenzie said. “There are people who have worked here for 25 years making those parts, and they’re proud of that.”

But Mr. McKenzie, 56, isn’t eager to blow up the Beijing relationship. “China will just buy all their planes from Airbus,” he said, leaning his chair back against a wall in the machinists’ union hall in Auburn.

He doesn’t have much hope that Mr. Trump will do anything to stop Boeing from setting up shop in China — he saw how Carrier shipped work from Indianapolis to Mexico even though the president had railed against the move. In Boeing’s case, Mr. McKenzie said, hiring some Chinese workers might be unavoidable. “You have to provide them jobs to sell them airplanes,” he said.


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“Stirring the pot unnecessarily doesn’t help business whatsoever,” Mark Kornei, a co-founder of Schilling Cider, said of President Trump’s trade moves. “Give us a steady set of rules.”

Credit
Kyle Johnson for The New York Times



Ms. Schrier recently won the endorsement of the machinists’ union, which represents more than 26,000 Boeing workers. Mr. Cesmat, 27, plans to volunteer for her campaign. “She pledged to support our jobs,” he said.


Boeing’s “super PAC” donated $2,000 to Mr. Reichert’s campaign, but hasn’t contributed to any candidates vying to succeed him, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, a nonpartisan research group. It did donate $8,000 to Cathy McMorris Rodgers, who is facing a strong Democratic challenge in her quest for re-election in Washington’s Fifth District.

The fear over trade tensions has spread beyond Boeing’s hulking factories, all the way to Schilling Cider, a hard-cider company founded here five years ago by two friends, Mark Kornei and Colin Schilling. The business grew quickly, thanks in part to the state’s abundant apple orchards, but now it’s staring down an uncomfortable new reality.

The company that sells Mr. Kornei stainless-steel tanks told him recently that prices for its raw materials might rise by 20 percent. A single tank costs around $50,000. He has also heard from the manufacturer of his aluminum cans that prices could increase by 10 percent. Mr. Kornei will buy 11 million of them this year, so that uptick alone could cost him more than $100,000, he said.

“Stirring the pot unnecessarily doesn’t help business whatsoever,” Mr. Kornei said. “Give us a steady set of rules so we can figure out what we are going to do.”

Mr. Rossi acknowledged that some of what the president says and does “can at times” make it harder for him on the campaign trail. But he has raised more than $2 million, about twice as much as Ms. Schrier.

The Republican tax cuts are a big selling point for Mr. Rossi, who has a ready figure for exactly how much a typical household will save because of the law (“$3,357 — that’s real money”). He’s also counting on a personal bond with Republican voters east of the Cascades.

“I have a connection with folks that certainly precedes the president,” Mr. Rossi said. He was referring to his campaigns for the governorship in 2004 and 2008, the first of which he lost by fewer than 200 votes in a third recount. “They know I’ll advocate for trade,” he said. “They know me.”


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Wednesday, 2 May 2018

One of the most viciously anti-immigrant judges in the country just got his hands on DACA – ThinkProgress

One of the most viciously anti-immigrant judges in the country just got
his hands on DACA – ThinkProgress
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On Tuesday, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton — with an assist from an Obama appointee to the federal bench — successfully manipulated the federal court system to place a challenge to President Obama’s signature immigration program before one of the most anti-immigrant judges in the nation.


Though the immediate issue before Judge Andrew Hanen concerns the fate of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, Hanen has a history of using immigration cases to threaten the safety of tens of thousands of immigrants not before his court. Now that Hanen has jurisdiction over Texas v. United States, he could potentially use this case as a vehicle to terrorize immigrant communities.



CREDIT: Google Maps

CREDIT: Google Maps

To understand what’s going on here, let’s start with this map. Paxton’s main office is in Austin, the capital of Texas. Yet Paxton filed this case in the Southern District of Texas’ Brownsville Division — more than five hours away.


It’s easy to guess why. The Southern District’s Brownsville Division has two active judges: Hanen, and an Obama-appointee named Rolando Olvera. By making the long drive to Brownsville, Paxton’s lawyers gave themselves even odds that their case would be assigned to a judge who once attempted a dox attack against tens of thousands of undocumented immigrants.


As it turns out, Team Paxton initially lost this bet — the case was randomly assigned to Olvera, not to Hanen. But only a few hours later, Olvera transferred the case to Hanen, effectively rewarding Paxton’s effort to game the court system.


Such transfers are not unusual. During the Obama years, Paxton’s lawyers also made the long trip to Brownsville in order to place a similar challenge to an expansion of DACA and a DACA-like program in Hanen’s courtroom. It is common for a district judge to transfer a case to one of his colleagues when that colleague recently handled a similar matter.


Yet, by treating this case as an ordinary matter and Hanen as an ordinary judge, Olvera all but ensured that Texas will be handled in the cruelest manner possible for undocumented immigrants.


Hanen’s war on immigrants


Hanen’s behavior in the previous immigration case — which was also named Texas v. United States — hints at the tactics he may now deploy. In the first Texas case, Hanen did not simply halt several pro-immigrant policies advanced by the Obama administration, he delayed ruling on the Obama administration’s request for a stay of that order — a delay that made it extraordinarily difficult for the Justice Department to seek a stay from a higher court.


Then things got weirder. At an early stage in the first Texas litigation, Hanen asked a question that provoked a disagreement between him and the Justice Department attorneys litigating the case. The lawyers claimed that they misunderstood the question, while Hanen claimed that they deliberately answered the question in a deceptive way. Rather than chalking this incident up to an innocent mistake, Hanen used it to impose draconian sanctions against tens of thousands of people who were not before his court and who played no role in the Justice Department’s answer to his question.


For example, Hanen ordered hundreds of Justice Department attorneys — most of whom had never appeared before Hanen in their lives — to attend a remedial ethics course. He also ordered the Obama administration to turn over the names and addresses of approximately 50,000 undocumented immigrants. Moreover, Hanen’s doxing order provided that this information could be turned over to “the proper authorities” in 26 states with Republican governors or attorneys general.


Hanen, in other words, used a disputed statement by Justice Department attorneys as a vehicle to intimidate tens of thousands of immigrants who played no role whatsoever in those lawyers’ alleged misconduct. (Hanen eventually stayed his doxing order after an appeals court indicated that it might get involved if Hanen did not issue such a stay.)


Now that the second Texas litigation is before Hanen, he will likely engage in similar tactics. If nothing else, his past conduct is likely to chill immigration advocates who will seek to intervene in this case to ensure that the task of defending DACA will not rest entirely with the Trump administration. As a result, DACA beneficiaries could receive less-than-zealous advocacy on their behalf.


Lawyers defending DACA will live in constant fear that Hanen will use even the most minor misstep on their part as a pretext to sanction these lawyers — and potentially to lash out at immigrants more broadly.


The injunction paradox


One open question is whether Hanen will go so far as to issue an injunction halting DACA. Other courts have issued injunctions requiring the Trump administration to keep DACA alive. If Hanen were to issue a conflicting order, that would place federal immigration officials in the untenable position of having to comply with two court orders that require them to take opposite actions.


As former Obama administration attorney Eric Columbus described this predicament on Twitter, “the immediate effect would be that they’re not allowed to do that which they’re required to do.”


Columbus predicted that Hanen would not issue such an injunction, and he cited to a law review article explaining that, when conflicting injunctions have arisen in the past, “typically one judge or the other backs down, narrowing or staying one of the issued injunctions, or else an appellate court reverses one of the conflicting injunctions.”


Hanen’s past behavior, however, suggests that he is not the kind of judge who will let legal precedent stand in the way. And any order handed down by Hanen will appeal to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, one of the most conservative courts in the country.


By manipulating the court system to get this case before Hanen, in other words, Paxton could create a chaotic situation where career immigration officials risk contempt sanctions no matter what they do, political appointees use Hanen’s order as an excuse to shut down DACA, and DACA beneficiaries have no idea who is in charge.


All of this is happening amidst a much larger debate about whether litigants should be permitted to manipulate the court system in the very same way that Paxton manipulated it in the two Texas cases.


In a recent speech to the conservative Federalist Society, Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III complained about several cases where liberals used Paxton’s tactics against the Trump administration, convincing district judges to issue nationwide injunctions “on issues like DACA, the travel order, sanctuary cities, and the service of transgender people in the military.” During last week’s oral argument on the legality of Trump’s Muslim Ban, Neil Gorusch — who occupies a Supreme Court seat that Senate Republicans held open for a year until Donald Trump could fill it — complained about “this troubling rise of this nationwide injunction, cosmic injunction.”


So, at least among some conservatives, there is a growing understanding that a single district judge should not be permitted to decide questions of national policy for the entire nation (though it remains to be seen whether Gorsuch continues fret about “cosmic” injunctions after he learns about how much they help his allies disrupt progressive policies).


Until someone intervenes — perhaps through an amendment to the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure that would automatically reassign cases requesting a nationwide injunction to a random district judge, or, as Judge Gregg Costa proposed in the Harvard Law Review, assigning requests for such injunctions to a three-judge panel — partisans like Ken Paxton are likely to keep manipulating the court system. And judges like Andrew Hanen are likely to continue abusing their power.












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Karnataka Election First Time In The Country Chunavana App To Be Use

Karnataka Election First Time In The Country Chunavana App To Be Use
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बेंगलुरु.कर्नाटक विधानसभा चुनाव में चुनाव आयोग इलेक्शन से जुड़ी अहम जानकारी मुहैया कराने के लिए खास मोबाइल ऐप का इस्तेमाल करेगा। देश में अपनी तरह का यह पहला प्रयोग होगा। बुधवार को कर्नाटक रिमोट सेंसिंग एजेंसी ने चुनाव (इलेक्शन) ऐप लॉन्च किया। आयोग के मुताबिक, इससे राज्य के 5 करोड़ से ज्यादा मतदाताओं को पोलिंग बूथ, उम्मीदवारों और मतदान से जुड़ी अहम जानकारी मिलेगी। बता दें कि कर्नाटक की 224 विधानसभा सीटों के लिए 12 मई को वोट डाले जाएंगे और नतीजे 15 तारीख को आएंगे।

ऐप पर मिलेगा सभी मतदान केंद्रों का नक्शा

- न्यूज एजेंसी के मुताबिक, कर्नाटक के मुख्य निर्वाचन अधिकारी संजीव कुमार ने चुनाव ऐप लॉन्च करते हुए कहा कि यह मतदाताओं के बीच जागरुकता बढ़ाने के लिए सूचना प्रौद्योगिकी का बेहतर इस्तेमाल साबित होगा।

- चुनाव ऐप में कर्नाटक की सभी विधानसभा सीटों के अंतर्गत आने वाले 56 हजार 696 मतदान केंद्रों का नक्शा लोड किया गया है। इसके जरिए मतदाता अपना वोटर आईडी नंबर, मतदान केंद्र तक जाने का रास्ता और वहां लगी कतारों की जानकारी हासिल कर पाएंगे।

उम्मीदवारों की परफार्मेंस भी पता चलेगी

- इस ऐप के जरिए मतदाता अपने विधानसभा क्षेत्र के उम्मीदवार से जुड़ी अहम जानकारी जान सकते हैं। मसलन पिछले चुनावों में उम्मीदवारों की परफार्मेंस क्या थी और उन्हें कितने वोट मिले थे।

ऐप के साथ वेब पर भी मिलेगी जानकारी

- चुनाव ऐप के जैसे ही वेबसाइट kgis.ksrsac.in/election पर भी जानकारियां उपलब्ध रहेंगी। इसके लिए कर्नाटक एप्लीकेशन सेंटर ने व्यापक इंतजाम किए हैं। मतदाता चाहें तो साइट पर जाकर भी किसी विधानसभा क्षेत्र और उम्मीदवारों से जुड़ी जानकारियां हासिल कर सकते हैं।

मतगणना के वक्त भी अपडेट मिलेगा

- चुनाव आयोग ने वेब और ऐप को ऐसे डिजाइन कराया है कि मतगणना के वक्त भी लोगों को उम्मीदवारों को मिले वोटों के अपडेट मिलते रहेंगे। साथ ही ऐप में दिव्यांगों के लिए व्हीलचेयर बुक करने का ऑप्शन दिया गया है, ताकि वे मतदान केंद्र तक आसानी से पहुंच सकें।



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